Radio Show Hour 1 – 03/03/2025
Liberty Roundtable PodcastMarch 03, 20250:54:5025.1 MB

Radio Show Hour 1 – 03/03/2025

* Guest: Dr. Scott Bradley, Author of the book and DVD/CD lecture series To Preserve the Nation. In the Tradition of the Founding Fathers - FreedomsRisingSun.com

* Today marks the national anthem's 94th birthday.

* Shame: President Trump and VP Vance EVISCERATED Zelenskyy on LIVE TV from the Oval Office.

* Zelenskyy leaves White House without signing minerals deal.

* Trump erupts when Zelenskyy suggests the U.S. might ‘feel it in the future’.

* Zelensky Rejects Calls for Immediate Ceasefire Amid Continued War with Russia - YourNews.com

* Our Founding Fathers Rejected US Hegemony!

* Shame: Trump Relaxes Limits On Strikes by Drones Outside Zones of War - NYT.

* Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth issued a directive restoring authority to commanders in the field, cutting bureaucratic red tape and allowing for quicker, more decisive action against threats.

These changes reflect a broader shift toward a stronger, more decisive military posture—one that prioritizes American strength and security over endless deliberation.

* Wars And Rumors Of Wars - Tucker Carlson issues fierce response to Zelensky meeting with Trump, warns Ukraine's 'serious crimes' will soon come to light.

* Shame: Speaker Mike Johnson Backs Temporary Spending Bill, Says Congress Should Codify DOGE-Proposed Cuts Later.

[00:00:13] Broadcasting live from atop the Rocky Mountains, the crossroads of the West. You are listening to the Liberty Roundtable Radio Talk Show. All right. Happy to have you along, my fellow Americans. Sam Bushman live on your radio. Hard-hitting news the network refused to use starts now. This, my fellow Americans, is the broadcast for March the 3rd in the year of our Lord, 2025.

[00:00:41] This is Hour 1 of 2, and the goal always is to protect life, liberty, and property using the checks and balances brilliantly put in place by the Founding Fathers, promoting God, family, and country every day, everywhere. Ladies and gentlemen, we got a road to hoe, man. I'm telling you right now, you think things are getting better, and in many ways they are, but I'm afraid at the core things are getting worse. Write it down. Remember who warned you first. I don't mean to be negative on this. There's a lot of good going on in the country, but, man, there's a lot of serious, serious things as well.

[00:01:10] We'll get into it right now. Dr. Scott Bradley is with me. freedomsrisingsun.com. Welcome back, sir. Thank you very much. And the 94th anniversary of the United States National Anthem becoming our National Anthem. Kind of weird. It's only that old. Can you imagine? Yeah. Well. It's just really, really amazing to me. So, anyway, just, I mean, think about that.

[00:01:38] You're suggesting the opposite of taking a knee for the National Anthem? You know, the historical, I mean, we don't need to get distracted by this. Please don't let me. But, you know, the Bellamy Brothers came up with it, not the musical group that you're aware of. Anyway. Bye, bye, love. Oh. No. I don't know. Anyway. Yeah. It could be. But at any rate, they were international socialists, globalists.

[00:02:06] And their first attempt at a National Anthem was very much an international globalist perspective. And, of course, the thing that would really set it apart in most people's minds is they delivered at the end what would be perceived as a Nazi salute. And so some people got involved and modified it. And over time, you know, it got the One Nation Under God stuff in there into the republic for which it stands, all that kind of stuff. And so today's the 94th anniversary.

[00:02:35] But I don't think that One Nation Under God came until the early 50s. So it kind of had an evolutionary process it went through. So it's kind of worth thinking about. I know. You've got to kind of wonder, you know, what would be the United States National Anthem if they could do it today, Doctor? You know, it's really funny.

[00:03:02] And I wish I'd have thought this through before I even brought it up. I didn't. But there have been, I have seen in my lifetime multiple attempts to rewrite it in a very, very, very globalistic, socialistic, humanistic perspective. And it's extremely disheartening to think what some of the school systems have actually come up with. They've had contests and stuff like that. You know, it's been pretty interesting.

[00:03:32] Someday we maybe ought to talk about that. Who knows? Well, it wasn't until 1916 that it literally became, right? Right. So what does that all mean, you know? No, no, not. I mean, 1916, it was evolutionary still at that point, too. I mean, this is the 94th anniversary. So this would be, you know, it's still well into the 20s and 30s before it started to become, take the shape it is now. But don't forget, they had to get rid of the Nazi salute, too.

[00:04:04] So we don't want to have any more Elon Musk outbreaks, you know, where people get all their tail feathers ruffled. Yeah, there you have it, ladies and gentlemen. Just thought we'd bring that to your attention. Well, sad to say, as we, do we celebrate the National Anthem's birthday, doctor, do you think? No, no, I don't. I don't think so. So, in fact, by the way, I'll just also, I mean, parenthetically, it seems like I have to always throw in a parenthetical statement.

[00:04:32] We did this every day when I was growing up, along with our prayer every morning in school. And, of course, you'd grow up in an era when, you know, prayer was verboten. We can't ask God to come into the classroom. Of course, you might have had some changes in your private schooling situations. But literally, and people say, oh, no, no, no, there's, oh, man, that's an establishment of religion and all this kind of nonsense. We could address that at great length.

[00:05:01] But people say, well, yeah, but there's kids that maybe, you know, they might get ridiculed for their former prayer, you know. To me, it was a kind of a cultural event almost. I mean, I didn't think in those terms when I was a kid. But, you know, here's how a Jewish boy prays or a Catholic girl or a Methodist guy, whatever, Mormon, but not. It was, oh, that's different than how our family prays.

[00:05:28] But it wasn't something that, I mean, today, holy cow, because everybody's become so kerfuffle over everything and the wokeness and the snowflakeness, there'd probably be brutality that came upon a kid that had a slightly different way of saying a prayer. I mean, holy cow, it's just amazing to me in all our efforts to be, you know, DEI kind of stuff.

[00:05:53] We really have, I think, kind of set the whole nation on an edge where everybody's willing and interested in taking offense all the way along the line. And, you know, it's interesting. I had some guys helping, laborers here helping me. I had some stuff I was trying to clean up in the garage, and they were there to, you know. Were you singing the National Anthem while this was going on? No, no, no, no, no. This is a completely different thing.

[00:06:20] We had a doll in there that somebody had given my wife, and she didn't like it a bit. And it was kind of spooky to our grandkids even, you know. It looked a little bit weird. And these guys were Hispanic that were helping. They were a local group of laborers. Anyway, they said, this is of the devil. I said, what do you mean it's of the devil? They said, this doll. I said, what makes you think so? Well, the way it looks, you know.

[00:06:49] Anyway, I said, well, is that a widespread, you know, feeling somebody might have? He said, oh, all the Catholics that believe that. It never crossed my mind that it might be offensive to a Catholic. There was nothing religious about it. It was a doll with a light complexion. It was weird. Well, I don't think the light complexion was the reason that they said that, by the way. I think it was really just the style of the doll. A lot of dolls are creepy. That's true for sure. All of them are as far as I'm concerned.

[00:07:18] Well, I mean, some more than others for sure. Yes, true, true. All right. Go on with your day. Let me get this right. All right. We started out with the national anthem. Sure. Today marks the 94th. I don't know if we're celebrating it or not in America today. I don't think so. You know, the problem is, do you celebrate the pledge allegiance to the flag? Do you do that? Or are we just hanging the flag upside down, doctor? Well, no. I don't have one flying right this minute.

[00:07:45] I mean, I just haven't put it up. Because there's a lot of people that aren't for the flag anymore. They're just like, hey, it's a disgrace to the nation. It's a shame. Everything that it's supposed to stand for has been betrayed. Got to hang it upside down or not at all, some say, right? Well, the upside down flag is a symbol of distress. Yes. And, you know, we're maybe mixing and matching metaphors, if you will.

[00:08:13] The national anthem, the pledge of allegiance, all those kinds of things. What we're really talking about is the United States and what it was originally intended to be by God Almighty, as he put together the greatest country on the face of the earth with checks and balances, a unique nation looking to God Almighty. And now we're talking about, hey, you know what? A couple hundred years later, what does it look like? And have we stood with the principles that made it great, stood with God's intention, or have we turned our back on that to a great degree?

[00:08:42] And that's the reason that you got the problem in America, whether it's the flag, whether it's the national anthem, whether it's the Constitution, whether it's the, you know, all these different things. People have a lot of mixed feelings about it, partly because I think people don't understand history, partly because, you know, if you're me, you say, hey, we're far from where we need to be. But the good news is we have still the supreme law of the land. We have the principles that can lead us back. And so I take a lot of courage and hope in that.

[00:09:09] But other people say it's too late, time to secede, hang the flag upside down, get it done yesterday. And, you know, in many ways, it's hard to argue against their points, even though I don't think it's the best solution. So that's the problem in America is we've got this all over the map, right? Each president seems to be polar opposite of the last. Every time we turn around, America's saying and doing something completely different, oftentimes without authority, oftentimes to great expense. I mean, we just go on and on and on.

[00:09:38] It's very hard for people to ferret through all this, doctor. It really is. Well, truly, it is. But let me just say this about that. Then we ought to move on. If somebody seceded, not succeeded, but seceded, they left, they abandoned, they broke away, a state did. In other words, if a state, not somebody, because you can't just individually secede, right? Well, I guess you can. You can go to Canada or whatever.

[00:10:02] But the fact of the matter is that the first thing they do, I mean, it's got to be right near the top of the last four or five. They rewrite a new constitution. That's the first thing that happens. And, you know, this isn't a good century or generation to be writing a constitution because the understanding of, you know, what goes into limited government checks and balances, separation of powers, delegation of authority,

[00:10:30] all of that kind of stuff is all skiwampus. And the people that would write a new constitution, I think, would be all out of whack. Many of them want to go back to a thing like the, you know, the Articles of Confederation, which was a failure for me. The nation was unraveling. You stop and think about it. You know, it really goes way beyond. With the Declaration of Independence, they set out instantly that summer to write a new constitution. Okay. It took them a while to get it ready.

[00:11:00] They sent it out in 1777. It took until 1783, basically, to finally get ratified. Well, actually, 1781. And then they got the Yorktown thing done. But at any rate, it was a bad deal. It wasn't really until even 1787 that it got kind of finalized, right? Well, they got the new constitution. They wrote the summer of 1787. It got ratified with an adequate number of states by the middle of the summer of 1788.

[00:11:29] And then it was implemented in 1789. But the point of the matter being that you don't just start a revolution and then go home and watch it on CNN. You don't run up and down the street breaking windows or shooting things up or throwing Molotov cocktails. And it's all said and done. No, there is a form and substance to things that have to be done. And most people don't look beyond the end of their nose for anything that's happening today. Well, it's really quite disappointing. And to point, we're running headlong into a con-con right now.

[00:11:57] I reject it, stand against it, want to do anything I can to prevent it, even though some would say, Sam, aren't you constitutional? That's the provision we have. Yeah, but it doesn't mean we need to exercise it. It doesn't mean it's the best option on the table for solutions, even if it is an option. It's like seceding from the union isn't even in the Constitution, although we know anybody who has the right to create something has the right to leave it or join it. They have the right to leave it. I get that. But right now in Utah, we're really pushing for a con-con right now.

[00:12:26] Well, I think we've derailed the current legislative effort to do so. But we have two calls for a con-con. But how many times have we been derailing this, though? Every time it goes back and every time it gets stronger, right? Utah's legislature has on record an application to the United States Congress to call a convention. And they say they can't even rescind that. I disagree with that, too, but that's what they say, right?

[00:12:55] They do say that. And, in fact, there's an effort to try and tie all previous calls for a convention together and say, okay, we've got enough. We've got the two-thirds that are necessary to have a convention called. They're playing every trick in the book. Hundreds of thousands of dollars, if not millions of dollars, are being spent in this. And you have to ask yourself, qui bono? Who benefits?

[00:13:18] And the fact is, oh, we don't have enough time to do it your way, you know, educating and understanding and restoring and all this kind of stuff. No, no, no. We've got to jump off the cliff. Yeah, let's jump off the cliff before we apply the law, right? Right. And, by the way, George Washington said if the Constitution is wrong, yeah, you can change it. The key word is wrong. No one can point out a secret. And the key word is you can change it, but then there's provisions laid out of how you change it. And a con-con, you could say, is one of them.

[00:13:45] The problem with that con-con idea, in my opinion, is, for example, the state of Utah has an application on file, but they've stood for it and against it and for it and against it over and over and over as many states have waffled. The problem is they want to act like it's the Hotel of California. It's like, hey, everybody who's possibly even expressed interest in it is already in and there's no way to get out. See, that's a farce, too.

[00:14:05] And we need to stop that idea right from the get-go, doctor, in terms of, hey, people need to understand, just because one group called for it, that doesn't mean we have to, you know, dive headlong into that, right? No legislature can be bound by a past legislature. Say that again. That's critical to understand, people. Listen up. No legislature can be bound by a past legislature. They can change the law. They can change their mind.

[00:14:33] Constitutions are casting concrete until changed by the authentic process. But if you make a law about jaywalking and change it the next legislature, there's no problem with that. And it's just like calling a convention, or they don't call it. They apply. You'll read Article 5 again. Applying for a convention can be withdrawn just as easily. Now, just some of the nonsense that they're trying for you to talk about the Hotel California,

[00:14:59] their constitution looks like, you know, some kind of, I don't know, just a weird hodgepodge of everything. It's just like squeezed cheese. There's just like all kinds of holes through the whole thing, right? There is. But over the years, over 11,800 proposed amendments have been brought forth. Now, this isn't cause for a convention, but proposed amendments have been brought forth in the United States.

[00:15:26] In my mind, this would basically have you realized we don't want or need a convention. How many again? 11,800. Now, we've got 27. 11,800. God's only had 10 since Moses brought them down from the mountain, and he hasn't changed a single one of them, right? Well, we've got 20. This is just disaster, people. It would be a disaster. I mean, it would be a wonderful book, kind of a, I don't know, doorstop or something. It'd be so thick and heavy.

[00:15:56] But, I mean, you imagine 11,800. We've got 27 amendments right now, and some of them really were never, never ratified. And some of them were ratified by hook and by crook and by golly and by shenanigans, and we could talk at length about that. But even... And every one of them in modern times have really, in my opinion, worked to defang the checks and balances, if you will. Right.

[00:16:23] Almost everything that's been done constitutionally in terms of changes of the Constitution has ended up with more of a Leviathan government that is just fraught with problems. More of a democracy, less of a constitutional republic every day. Exactly. And so the farther we get from this original, you know, 1787 written document, the more concerned I am about it.

[00:16:48] And today, there are states right now, before them, have a resolution that would add that state's name to the applications in Congress. When we get two-thirds of the states in on application... What does that mean? 35 states? 34. 34. 34 states, ladies and gentlemen. And they say we're really close. They say we're, what, a couple of states away?

[00:17:16] Well, it depends on who you look to. Because the guys that are all for this say you can't rescind, as you brought up. There have been numerous states rescind, and they're still counting them in there. But we're four or five, at best, away from it. At best. And so when we call a convention, Article 5 says Congress... Well, we don't call it. We apply. And then Congress shall call. That's what Article 5 says. Congress shall call a convention.

[00:17:45] And when they do that, then we get in problems. All of the mock conventions that they've had, I've tracked them and followed them and reviewed them. Oh, they're crazy town people. I'm telling you right now. They're insane. They come out with proposed amendments that are absolutely ill-founded, absolutely insane.

[00:18:07] Some of them have previously been part of the Articles of Confederation that the American founding fathers found to be faulty. I mean, like, for example, calls for term limits. And there were term limits in the Articles of Confederation. They knew that. They had experienced it. Yeah, but they also knew that creates lame ducks till the cows come home. That creates its own internal kind of disasters. It takes it out of the hands of the American people to decide. Again, another check and balance.

[00:18:36] The people are kind of the last line of defense in terms of, hey, for example, Biden, you're out of control, buddy. You're crazy. We want to replace you with somebody else. Hey, the more you force term limits and things like that, the more you prevent that. Now, there are some term limits. So, again, there's a check and a balance here, right? Well, yeah, we have term limits. Every two years, you can get rid of every single congressman. That's right. And a third of the Senate. And every four years, you're the president. Yeah. Sure. Sure.

[00:19:03] I mean, there's ways to do this if we just got out of our sandwich. What we want to do is pretend that we don't need to be involved and that it can run itself, and we just want to change a little here and a little there to make it run by itself. But the founders warned that's just not a possibility. You can't be ignorant and free. And you've got a republic if you can keep it. If we're going to insist on the constitutional republic principles, then you've got to be engaged and understand them. If you don't, you can't. And that's really the problem, right?

[00:19:31] And the fact that we've got to be a religious and a moral people, as John Adams said. If we're not, we're kind of toast anyway. I mean, holy cow. Well, and sadly, we're not. And the debate rages on, ladies and gentlemen. And the reason we bring up this whole thing, yeah, today marks the national anthem's 94th birthday. Love it or hate it, there you have it. Now, I personally believe in the national anthem. I personally believe in the flag of the United States. I personally believe in a lot of this symbolism.

[00:19:59] And to me, it symbolizes what the founding fathers intended. And just because we're far afield from that, I still don't want to turn my back on. I don't want to hang the flag upside down in America. I don't want to burn the flag. I don't want to, you know, take a knee for the national anthem. I want to bring out what's good in America and focus on the good. And then I want to highlight and teach and educate and promote how we return and remain there using the principles that made America great. See, the good news is we have the blueprint of how to do it.

[00:20:30] And that's all we need to really do to all these other countries is just give them a copy of the Constitution. We should have said to Zelensky in the Oval Office instead of having a big old battle with him. And we'll get into that in just a second. Rather than having a battle with him, why didn't we just say, hey, you know what? We're going to give you an incredible copy of the Constitution. We're going to basically quit funding you. We're going to get out of this war thing between you and Russia. We're going to jettison that yesterday. Sorry we were involved in it in the first place. Should have never been. Shame on Joe and everybody else.

[00:20:56] And what we're going to do is we're going to give you this incredible framed copy of the Constitution. And we're going to encourage you to use it. And if you guys have questions, here's an email. And we'll get our best constitutional scholars to provide guidance for you. You know, those are the things we should be doing in my mind. So I'm not losing faith or hope in the greatest country on the face of the earth. And I'm not losing faith or hope that Jesus Christ will come. The only question left is who will be prepared to meet him when he does. And I hope and pray that I'm among that group if I'm still here to witness it.

[00:21:26] Ladies and gentlemen, President Trump and VP Vance eviscerated, they say, Zelensky on live TV from the Oval Office, ladies and gentlemen. Zelensky then leaves the White House without signing a minerals deal like he came to do. Trump erupts, ladies and gentlemen, when Zelensky suggests that the U.S. might feel it in the future.

[00:21:55] And this is an interesting exchange, if you will. Very concerning in my opinion here. Zelensky, quote, first of all, during the war, everybody has problems. Even you. But you have nice ocean. And don't feel now. But you will feel it in the future, he says. That's very, in my opinion, scary. And then he says, God bless.

[00:22:27] Now, I don't really know how to respond to this. But Trump, quote, you don't know that. You don't know that. Don't tell us what we're going to feel. We're trying to solve a problem. Don't you dare tell us what we're going to feel. I personally feel like, you know, and a lot of people are praising Trump and Vance for this. Saying, good, you finally stood up for America. You shut this guy down. Good work. Da, da, da, da, da, da.

[00:22:54] I personally would not have had these type of negotiations on the national stage live in the first place. Personally. I think that was a mistake. Because the chance of it going off the rails were too great. Now, some say Trump and Vance intended it to go off the rails. Because what Trump is trying to do is reset the negotiations. Reset the discussion. The way you do it is you just burn it to the ground and then say, all right, let's come back and start over.

[00:23:23] You realize who's in charge here, don't you? And on one hand, that sounds like a good idea. You know what? Trump's a strong man. He's going to stand up. But the problem with this whole thing, if you're not very careful, is, in my personal opinion, now you've got Europe saying we're going to back the Ukraine. Now you've got the United States saying, hey, we're going to probably defund Ukraine. You've got Russia licking at the chops on this thing. It was all done live, so you can't take it back.

[00:23:49] Now even some congressmen, senators, whatever, Lindsey Graham, for example, saying, hey, this is going to cause a Lindsey. It's going to force him to step down. Somebody else is going to have to replace him now. Well, then we basically force a regime change by this scolding in public.

[00:24:06] I'm just telling you, we're going to talk about this, but I warned right when President Trump took office this time in November, or I'm sorry, when he got elected, I said, hey, if we're not very careful, Trump will end up being the war president. They're going to trick him into, back him into being the war president. I pray that I'm wrong. Still predict that I'm right. When we get back, we'll talk about this in detail with Dr. Scott Bradley, FreedomRisingSun.com. You are listening to the one and only Liberty Roundtable Live.

[00:24:34] How would you like to help this program reach more people and earn silver at the same time? Call or text 801-669-2211 for complete details. News this hour from Townhall.com.

[00:25:04] I'm Greg Clugston in Washington. Britain says there are several proposals on the table for a possible Ukraine ceasefire as European countries, led by Britain and France, look at options for peace. France has floated a proposal for a month-long initial truce that could pave the way for talks. Meanwhile, Moscow is happy with the growing divide between the U.S. and Europe over Russia's war against Ukraine.

[00:25:29] President Putin's spokesman, Dmitry Peskov, spoke of a fractured West. He's not wrong, but European leaders are trying to formulate proposals to try to persuade the Trump administration to agree to joint security guarantees for Ukraine to ensure any prospective peace would be fair and durable. The BBC's Danny Eberhardt. Wildfires in North and South Carolina prompted some evacuations over the weekend.

[00:25:56] South Carolina Governor Henry McMaster declared a state of emergency on Sunday in response to more than 175 wildfires. West of Myrtle Beach in the Carolina Woods area, helicopters dumped water as smoke filled the sky and deputies went door to door to warn residents. But by late Sunday afternoon, evacuees were allowed to return. Correspondent Jennifer King reporting. One person was killed, others injured when a car rammed into a crowd in southwestern Germany. A suspect is in custody.

[00:26:25] Police in Mannheim, though, have asked the public to stay away from the downtown area. Israel facing sharp criticism after barring the entry of all food and other supplies into Gaza. It says there will be additional consequences if Hamas does not accept what it calls a U.S. proposal for a ceasefire extension. The U.N. says Israel's actions violate international law. Pope Francis is in stable condition, no longer needing mechanical ventilation.

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[00:30:18] you are listening to the Liberty Roundtable Radio Talk Show. Back with you live, ladies and gentlemen. The Founding Fathers understood that a hegemonist nation, or a nation that thought it was king or god or policeman of the world, the colonial powers being conflicted with the king, they generally emphasized the importance of non-intervention, neutrality in foreign affairs,

[00:30:44] particularly as articulated by George Washington in his farewell address. Folks, the Founding Fathers rejected this hegemony idea. And so when President Trump and J.D. Vance gang up on this leader, and then this leader pushes back and says, hey, you might feel it in the future, then Trump gets all mad. Now, Zelensky rejects calls for an immediate ceasefire in the continued war with Russia.

[00:31:13] Yournews.com with that piece. And you look at this whole thing and you just go, man, I think it was a big mistake for Trump and Vance to do this. Now, I know some are like, I'm proud of our president. He finally stood up for America. No, the way you stand up for America is you have a quiet, private conversation. And you say, Zelensky, we're not going to fund you anymore, my friend. We're going to get out of this war. We should have never been on picking sides in the first place. You know, you could have backed away from it.

[00:31:39] But what you've done is you've now said, hey, I'm the God on the stage. And America is this hegemonist nation. Don't you dare cross us. We're the biggest, baddest in the world and we can do whatever we want. Now people are saying, hey, replace this leader. Well, how did this leader get there in the first place? And when you go study all this, you go every time you just find that we meddle in these affairs. And it is going to come back to bite us like you would not believe. The rise and fall of American hegemony is on display right now.

[00:32:09] And so I personally think that I don't think we should be steamrolled by this guy. I do think he disrespects America, but we've disrespected the whole world, too, if you want to go down that road. And, Dr. Bradley, I'm concerned that we've now created a very difficult position to back away from. Your thoughts? Both parties, I believe, came to this meeting with a different expectation and agenda. I think there was some very grave misunderstandings.

[00:32:36] I don't think that there was good previous communication and diplomacy that happened. And let's look at how the American founding fathers did this with just the Constitution Convention of 1787. They didn't have their debates in a public forum. They didn't air their laundry, if you will. They didn't air their expectations. They met together, got a chance to discuss and debate and change position, if need be,

[00:33:02] and come to either agreement or said, no, this is not a good path. We're not going to do it. And then they didn't have, even at the end of every day, they didn't have a press conference on the steps of Constitutional Hall. And it really was done in a manner that allowed a free-flowing process of understanding to develop. And what happened with Zelensky and Trump should never have happened on that kind of stage.

[00:33:31] And you could say, well, Zelensky came with a, you know, kind of a loaded agenda that he was going to try and force his hand in a public setting with the cameras all rolling. And he did, and that was a mistake, too. Oh, every single, this was not a world of diplomacy. But we set the stage for that by basically giving him that, quote, mojo feeling and belief and backing for years, right? Well, there's no question.

[00:33:58] I mean, Biden gave him everything that he came, you know, his handout for. And this idea that, you know, this was going to be a first step towards a ceasefire and that there was going to be some mineral agreements done. Nobody came prepared to do that. I mean, Trump may have said, I'm going to do this. And Zelensky says, I'm going to do that. But there was nobody that shook hands about anything before they got there. It's a really kind of a tragic travesty about what really happened.

[00:34:27] So now you've got Europe basically picking the side of the Ukraine. You've got Russia delighted that there's a rift between the United States and Europe. This isn't going well, doctor, I don't think. Here's the deal. As I watched that unfold, and there's so many different paths we could take this down, so much speculation and all that kind of stuff. And it is speculation because you and I don't know, and neither does anybody else.

[00:34:52] But I do not believe that any pushback that Trump gave or anything like that was principles-based, based upon the American founding father perspective of, you know, no entangling alliances, a humble foreign policy, the idea of his limited power. Or he cannot, he could not have agreed to do basically anything he thought he was going to do there. And he could not, you know, make treaties.

[00:35:22] He couldn't have committed to more funds. So we do know because we understand the limits and bounds constitutionally of the president. But that wasn't on the table by any means. It doesn't seem like to me. Right. But it gets worse, though, because now we've got this big rift between the United States and Europe. Now that Ukraine's in question, although we've given him forever dollars and backing and support and the mojo that Zelensky brought to the table here, we've kind of fostered and fostered and fostered. Now, I'm not for it. So, you know, I support Trump in saying, hey, shut that down.

[00:35:51] But to do it publicly, make this leader feel like a fool, then for Lindsey Graham to say, hey, this guy's got to be replaced. Now we're pushing for regime changes in other countries and everything else. If that was done to us, we'd have a cow. But it gets worse. And here's why. Trump relaxes limits on strikes by drones outside zones of war.

[00:36:17] Now, I don't know what a zone of war is, because if we haven't declared war, there shouldn't be any war. But we have zones of war everywhere. The New York Times with this. And so Trump literally relaxes these restrictions. So let me kind of explain this so people get this. The defense secretary confirms that Trump planning on easing rules surrounding airstrikes and military raids. That's BattlelineNews.com.

[00:36:44] So the defense secretary, this is Pete Henseg or whatever his name is, issued a directive restoring authority to commanders in the field. They say cutting red tape and allowing for, quote, quicker, more decisive action against threats. So now you've got people who don't have to, you know, get permission from Congress or the president or anybody else.

[00:37:12] This move marks a return to Trump's, quote, earlier counterterrorism strategies, they say, which proved highly effective in dismantling ISIS and weakening these hostile groups worldwide.

[00:37:26] Since implementing the, quote, revised policy, U.S. forces have already carried out several, quote, successful airstrikes in Iraq, Syria, Somalia, striking, quote, key terrorist strongholds. These changes reflect a broader shift towards a stronger, more decisive military posture.

[00:37:54] One that prioritizes Americans strength and security over endless deliberations. Now, a lot of people are happy about this. A lot of people say this is what needs to happen. I say this is disaster. So Congress is to declare war. Congress is to determine if we're going to use mark and reprisal, this and that.

[00:38:18] We've now shifted that to the president, given him unlimited funding with all kinds of piggy banks to get it done whenever and wherever and however he wants to. And now the president then has kind of even loosened this to where commanders in the field can just go, hey, man, airstrike. Sick of this crap. Boom. Boom. Okay. I'm telling you right now, they're turning Donald Trump into a war president if we're not very, very careful. Doctor, your thoughts? Again, so much can be said about this and the disaster trail we're on right now.

[00:38:48] Let's go back to the Chesapeake affair back in Jefferson's administration. There was an act of war, literally, that was carried out by the British against the Americans. And everybody wanted a war. They wanted Jefferson to take us to war. Jefferson said, no, we'll take a defensive position, make sure that further offenses do not occur. But this is really the congressional responsibility. I will gather information, present it to the Congress, and the Congress then will make the decision.

[00:39:18] And this is just an expansion of that to commanders in the field, for crying out loud. They're going to give it to a lieutenant colonel or a colonel? I don't know. I mean, and the fact is that they're going to have first strike capability. We're becoming Israel, which has started every war they've ever been in. But here's the deal. This is completely contrary to the Americanist philosophy, and our belligerence is becoming overwhelming. There will be blowback.

[00:39:46] And I'll tell you what, they're going to write the press release after the strike. I mean, it's like when Trump sent off the hundred and something Tomahawk missiles back against Syria at the time. Not a one of them was justified. Not one Tomahawk missile, let alone over a hundred. And they told the story after. Oh, Assad was killing his own people. No, he wasn't. That was the people that were the revolutionaries.

[00:40:14] But whether he was or not isn't really even the point, right? No. Right. We have no authority to be there at all. And that is the quintessential point that I'm making here. So when Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth issues a directive, quote, restoring authority, who gives this guy the ability to change the law, to change the scope? This guy's downstream from the president. He's far away from Congress.

[00:40:41] These changes reflect a broader shift in a stronger, more decisive military posture. They say one that provides or promotes American strength and security over forever deliberations. I personally like those forever deliberations in that we shouldn't be so quick to pull the trigger, so to speak. Pardon the pun. We need to back off of this and say, wait a minute. This should be deliberated.

[00:41:06] This should be ran through all the members of Congress, and they should be forced to vote up and down, yea or nay, whether we're going to fund it, whether it's a war, whether we're going to engage, whether we're not, whether we're going to use market reprisal or what should happen. This should be a very discussed, defined reality, not just a, hey, man, some commander in the field, he's going to go ahead and do bomb strikes because Pete said so. And Pete, you know, what are we talking about, doctor?

[00:41:35] This has gone so far afield, and then I bring it up and people say, oh, my gosh, Sam, you're soft. You're going to get us all killed, Sam. You're going to – just the opposite is the truth. What I'm saying is constitutional. The problem is very few people will even understand what I'm saying, much less agree with it, even though it is the founding father-esque view, doctor. Well, George Washington talked about patriots, real patriots becoming odious. Now, just think back.

[00:42:03] Think how far we have come, downhill, really. Some may remember the assassination attempt on Ronald Reagan. This was a day or two ago. And Alexander Haig, the general secretary of state guy, I'm in control here. He's not. He wasn't. He isn't. He never was. No. No.

[00:42:25] This command and control kind of thing is a very clearly – should be clearly understood process with the military and civilian control of the military and so on. But Haig kind of got taken to the woodshed over that for saying, I'm in control. And people said, no, no, no, you're really not. You really are not in control. And nowadays, apparently, if this is true, what's being reported in this agency, they're giving it to some lieutenant colonel?

[00:42:55] I mean, think of Lieutenant Colonel Vindman, who was one of the guys that brought about the impeachment of Donald Trump the first time. I mean, this guy's – you know, people say, well, he's an officer. Yeah, well, he's a low-level officer in my opinion. I mean, a lieutenant colonel, for crying out loud, that's mid-management, for crying out loud. And you're giving them the command and control to decide you're going to go take airstrikes. It's an act of war what we're going on. And you say, well, we've got to have some expedited whatever.

[00:43:24] And the president made bad decisions with his tomahawk attacks on Syria. The president did with all of his counselors. Now, he got rolled by his counselors very often during his first administration. And I'm hoping this isn't what's happening here. No, he already has to get rolled again right now. Listen, folks. These changes reflect a broader shift towards a stronger, more decisive military. Okay? Commanders in the field, they say, can make these decisions.

[00:43:53] They say that it basically – cutting bureaucratic tape and allowing for more quicker, more decisive action. The problem that we have in my mind is an authority problem. And the problem in my mind is it's getting worse. So now you've got wars and rumors of wars. Tucker Carlson issues what he calls a fierce response to Zelensky's meeting with Trump. Warns Ukraine that serious crimes will come to light.

[00:44:21] So basically saying, hey, you know what? Ukraine's guilty of all kinds of crimes. And I'm sure they are, doctor. But again, parading all the crimes of the Ukraine in front of everybody. What about the crimes of the United States? What about the crimes of Russia? Singling out this is – I'm just telling you right now. So then what happens? Are we on Russia's side now? We're under Biden. We're on Ukraine's side.

[00:44:46] This schizophrenic agenda at the United States leadership level is – I'm telling you right now – is the crisis of the day. If we're not very careful, we're going to end up in all kinds of scenarios we don't want to be in, doctor. This idea of picking sides, it causes bad foreign policy. It causes bad decisions to be made. Washington warned dramatically, effectively, and unequivocally against it in his farewell address.

[00:45:15] And we are picking sides constantly. And you know what? I don't want to pick sides. Let's just say that Biden picked the side of Ukraine because of a lot of reasons, including his son's piggy bank. But let's just say we're picking sides there. We get a new president. We pick sides on the other side. We're offending everybody. We never stop offending people. And there is and will be blowback on all of these things. And, you know, in a way –

[00:45:43] And so Zelensky said something that was really – I don't know what word to use for this, but we need to really think through this. When Zelensky basically said, hey, you don't feel it now because you've got a big ocean, but you will feel it, Trump just went ballistic and went, don't tell me how we're going to feel like a little kid. The fact is I'm afraid that we will eventually one day feel it, doctor. I don't want to. I think we will prevent it with diplomatic relations. But if we continue this, we will eventually feel it in every way possible. The world's getting a lot smaller.

[00:46:13] I mean, with hypersonic missiles nowadays, we're mere minutes, minutes away from an attack. I mean, these hypersonic missiles can cover huge distances. They're five to ten times the speed of sound in mere minutes. I mean, I – You're right. It's part of my life. And that's why I'm warning so hard against it because people don't realize how close we are and how shaky this really is.

[00:46:40] You know, we used to have minutes to respond, if it was, to a nuclear attack by submarine. But some of these can cross continents in mere minutes now. And so, yeah, if trouble comes, it might come in a very big way. I mean, aircraft carriers can be lost in a stroke of a – you know, a push of a button, whatever.

[00:47:05] And so our idea of our untouchable arrogance has just got to be – have a little bit of a calibration, I would think, right now. So it's just astounding to me. All I'm telling you is our founding fathers rejected U.S. hegemony, and I do too. And I'm just telling you right now, Trump is doubling down on that, and I believe it will not go well in the wars and rumors of wars scenario. Are there plenty of crimes by Ukraine? I have no doubt.

[00:47:35] Are there plenty of crimes by the United States? I have no doubt. Are there plenty of crimes by Russia? I have no doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, we need to back off this thing big time. Well, while this is all going on, your Speaker of the House is completely out to lunch. Headline Mike Johnson backs, quote, listen to this, temporary spending bill. So we're going to kick the can down the road. We already know that now. So he backs temporary spending bill, and he says this.

[00:48:00] Congress should codify Doge proposed cuts later. Later. Now, why on earth would we do that later? Doctor, later means never. If you don't believe me, we've literally voted to kick the can down the road, and later, later, later, later. For decades, hundreds of times. And even now, when we've got a clear mandate to reduce spending, we've got people who have identified the spending.

[00:48:29] Ron Paul, Rand Paul, Elon Musk. I mean, I can keep going. The Southern, or I'm sorry, the United States, or National Taxpayers Union, NTU.org. Many people have put together all kinds of documents. Citizens Against Government Waste, but I can keep going. And everybody knows what we need to trim and what we need to do. And now Mike Johnson's like, hey, I'm going to back a temporary spending bill. Why don't you guys go ahead and, you know, we'll work on that later.

[00:48:58] He's lost his mind, and I'm just telling you right now, we've lost the opportunity now. Because if Mike Johnson's saying that literally, what are we, two months in now? We're basically two months in for the Congress, right? January 3rd, they started, or 4th. I can't remember. Maybe it's one day off. But either way, two months. And now he's going, yeah, let's just go ahead and do a temporary bill there. We'll worry about the rest later. He's already lost, doctor.

[00:49:25] We predicted this last Friday when we were talking about this. You know, we got this continuing resolution coming up again here the 14th of March. That's 11 days away, kids. And what we predicted was, you know what? We're working on some stuff, and let's just continue that resolution. And you know what? It's going to be, man, end of September, we'll have a real bill in front of you. And so they do continue to kick the can down the road.

[00:49:51] And the fact of the matter is that they don't want to take responsibility. They ran for the office. They took the oath of office. They know what the job description says. It says we have got to set the budget for the United States. That's one of the many things that they do. But there's no clear plan. I mean, and they just continue to keep booting it down. There's the plan. Big, big, big, big, big, big, big, beautiful bill.

[00:50:20] Everybody's going to put their pork in it, and they're going to pass it because, by golly, we've got to back Trump. We've got to, you know, and they're going to basically obliterate the debt ceiling in the process. This is disaster on steroids staring you in the face, people, because, look, Mike Johnson, House, Senate, President, no one's really done anything of value. You don't want a big, beautiful bill. I mean, that just basically, you know, what you want is single issue, vote up and down clear bills. Who's on which side of what bill and what agenda?

[00:50:49] And it'll become very clear if you have single bills that are straight up and down written votes to where you can clearly say this person voted for this, this person voted against this. That's what they've got to do. And now it's really Trump and Mike Johnson that are guilty of this, right? Well, they put that big, beautiful bill together that you talked about and passed it, and it really had no detail.

[00:51:17] No, they've got a big, beautiful bill coming up right now. We're going to take the debt ceiling up, four more trillion dollars. We're going to cut these four and a half trillion dollars. And Trump wants to jettison that ceiling altogether. True. But that's what I'm saying is that there's no, you know, you say the devil's in the details. They don't have details. You and I could agree on something, and it might, even if we talked it through, we might not even really understand what the other person meant, let alone putting it down in writing.

[00:51:47] That's why we have written constitutions. That's why bills have got to have clarity. They've got to have specificity. And it can't be just in general feel-good kind of terms. You know, this will happen, and it happens this time. And it's going to cost this much, and it's limited to that. I mean, the specificity is required. But nobody wants to take that responsibility.

[00:52:13] They offshore, if you will, their lawmaking responsibilities. You can't do that. You can't pass that off. You can't delegate what the law is going to be. You can't say, well, the BATFE is going to make the rules on this. The IRS is going to make the rules on this. The FDA is going to make the rules on this. No, Congress, step it up, write the law, be specific, and let's get it done. But at this point, nobody seems to want to do that.

[00:52:41] I mean, that's just a continuing befuddlement of the Congress. So the president's, in the name of, quote, peace and becoming a big man on the world stage, literally pushing for more war. I mean, I'm just telling you, when you basically, you know, push this idea that, hey, we're going to move forward to where these commanders out in the field can just do airstrikes and stuff, you're talking more war, not less. I'll tell you that right now. With that going on, plus Europe going against the United States,

[00:53:11] I mean, I think Trump made a huge mistake on this. And I know that, you know, the always Trumpers will be like, oh, Sam, how dare you say that? The never Trumpers will be happy with that. But I don't pick people, folks. It's not about always or never Donald. It's about the guidance, the greatest general that I've ever known of in the world laid out. Hey, we need to avoid these foreign entanglements. We need to have a humble foreign policy.

[00:53:38] We need to, and that, in my opinion, in the Oval Office on Friday was the opposite of that. 180 degrees. And the problem is we have all kinds of conservatives just delighted. The liberals are concerned. I'm telling you, hey, I don't care about liberal or conservative from a founding father-esque point of view. This is disaster. Meanwhile, your Speaker of the House is out to lunch. He's ready just to go ahead and kick the can down the road. Backs temporary spending bill.

[00:54:06] Says, hey, let's worry about the doge and any money savings later. I don't think we have time for that, folks. We're spending ourselves into oblivion as it is. On the brink of war. On the brink of financial ruin. And it's all because the people are immoral. We need to become a moral people. Turn to God Almighty and repent. It's our only hope. That's freedomsrisingsun.com. Thank you, Dr. Bradley. We'll talk to you at the end of the week. Amen. Looking forward to it. Lovingliberty.net, our nationally syndicated radio network.

[00:54:35] We've got an iPhone app and an Android app. Download it and listen to the radio to your heart's content. You've got a friend in the radio business. And God saves the republic. And God saves the world.